Edition 1.2
15 December
2011
History
of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language
By
David Steinberg
David.Steinberg@houseofdavid.ca
Home page http://www.houseofdavid.ca/
Excursus 2
Evolution
of Pronunciation and Stress
Patterns
(See
also Biblical Hebrew
Poetry and Word Play - Reconstructing the Original Oral, Aural and Visual
Experience )
Box 23 - The Nature of Stress in Ancient and Modern Hebrew
Box 24 - The Independent Pronouns in EBHP and Colloquial Arabic Dialects
Box 25 - The Case System of Proto-Hebrew and the Pronominal Suffixes of the Noun
Box 26 Nouns - Absolute, Construct and Pronominal Forms
Table
24 - History of Stress and Pronunciation of the Independant Pronoun
Table 25 - History of Stress and Pronunciation of
the Pronominal Suffixes of the Noun
Table 26 - Pronominal Object Suffixes of the SC Verb
Table 27 - Pronominal Object Suffixes of the PC Verb
Table 28 - History of the Accusative Particle
'ẹt and its Inflected Form' ōtō = "him"
Table 29 - Stressed Noun Suffixes in Biblical Hebrew
A. The
Proto-Hebrew
SC and its Carry-Over into BH
Table 31 - Reconstructed PC Forms in PH and EBHP
B. The
Biblical Hebrew Verbal System
Table
34 - Common Stative and
Similar Qal Verbs
2. Background on Biblical Hebrew Prefix Conjugation
Table 35 - History of Stress and Pronunciation of the Hebrew Verb Prefix Conjugation
Time and Modal Implications of PC in Various Categories of BH Poetry
3. Background on Biblical Hebrew Suffix
Conjugation (traditional "perfect")
Table
36 - History of Stress and Pronunciation of the Hebrew Verb - Suffix
Conjugation
4. Participles, Imperatives and Infinitives
Table 37 - History of Stress and
Pronunciation of the Hebrew Imperatives, Participles and Infinitives
|
Box 21 - The Nature
of Stress in Ancient and Israeli Hebrew and MSA |
|
“...The term stress is applied to the phonetic elevation of the
voice, although, strictly speaking, the (Biblical) Hebrew stress, unlike that
in ancient Greek and Latin, refers rather to more forceful articulation than
higher musical pitch, the latter being a secondary element as in Modern
Greek, Vulgar Latin... English, Italian etc. That the (Biblical) Hebrew stress is essentially a prominence of intensity
or force of articulation is manifest in its effects on the vocalisation. In
contrast, the contemporary Israeli pronunciation of Hebrew is characterised
by a musical pitch accent.” Quoted from Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 § 15a "Stress
and syllabification are closely related in
Hebrew, as in many languages .... In Biblical Hebrew pitch had no phonemic
function, and expiratory stress prevailed... As its results make clear, stress was
strongly centralizing (i.e., it used up most of the breath in the
pronunciation of the stressed syllables). Accordingly, other syllables became
blurred and were shortened." Quoted from Blau 2010 §2.9. Among those who have studied stress, there is no single
acceptable definition of what it is and what acoustic parameters may
contribute to it. This paper focuses on the dynamic, rhythmic distribution of
stress on the phrase level in Arabic. It attempts to determine which of the three acoustic properties intensity,
frequency, and duration contributes most to the stressed syllable in an
utterance. It also tries to ascertain whether these properties function
collectively or individually.... Intensity
is an acoustic property that corresponds to loudness. According to
Ladefoged (1993:187), "intensity is proportional to the average size, or
ampli- tude, of the variations and air pressure." Different phonetic
segments differ in sonority. Vowels within the syllable structure normally
receive higher sonority than consonants; in particular, long and open vowels
are the most sonorous and thus affect both the syllable type and structure in
an utterance.... Frequency is an acoustic feature of sound that correlates
with pitch and is measured in hertz (Hz). The pitch of a sound can be high or
low, depending primarily on the vibration of the vocal cords. The vocal cords
complete a cycle of closing and opening that depends on the varia- tion in
air pressure that occurs in one second (Cruttenden 1986:1-8; Ladefoged
1993:186-87).... The duration of a sound may affect the prominence of a
syllable. In Arabic, all vowels may occur in either short or long forms;
length is phonemic and is indicated in the transcription by a double vowel.
At the same time, all of the consonants in Arabic may occur in either single
or geminated forms. Accordingly, length for
vowels and gemination for consonants are contrastive and phonemic. Vowels can
only occur medially and finally, since no syllable or word in Arabic can have
an initial vowel. Geminate consonants also occur in medial and final
position. Consequently, a word or a syllable can start only with a single
consonant. In addition, consonant clusters with a maximum of two members
occur medially or finally.... The tentative results obtained from the analysis of the
two production experiments ... prove that the placement of stress is on the
long syllable, CVV, initially or medially.... The intensity, frequency, and
duration measurements of each of the 1,540 syllables tested form the basis of
these results. The
intensity measurements contributed the most to this conclusion, since they are more
directly associated with loudness, which is one feature that results in the
relative prominence of a syllable in an utterance. The duration measurements
support the positive results obtained from the intensity measurements.... Quoted from Al Ani
1992 |
|
Box 22 - The Independent Pronouns in *EBHP and Colloquial
Arabic Dialects[1] |
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"In its system of pronouns, Hebrew discloses, for a
number of persons, two allomorphs - one terminating in a vowel, the other
with a consonant.
A somewhat similar picture obtains in the pronominal
systems of Arabic dialects. To exemplify the lines of resemblance, we shall
here present the pronominal systems of some dialects in the Syro-Israeli
area.
The following points are
worthwhile noting; (a) the preservation, from a
historical point of view, of the final vowel in the 2nd pers. masc. sing.:
Hebrew ʾatta,
Arabic dialects inte
(and variants). (b) in the Hebrew forms for the
3rd pers. mast. and fem. sing. and plur. which have a vowel termination - huʾa,
hiʾa,
hemma,
henna - the final vowel ā
possibly goes back to ancient -at. Cf, hmt
in ancient Phoenician (Byblian) and hwt, hyt, hmt
in Ugaritic (in the genitive-accusative case) as well as the genetive-accusative
pronominal morphemes šuātu/i,
šāti/u
(third pers. masc. sing.), šuiāti, šāti
(fem. sing.), šunūti
(mast. plur.) and šināti
(fem. plur.) in Akkadian. As to the longer forms in Arabic
dialects (hūwe,
huwwi,
etc, for the masc. and hīyeʾ, hiyyi
for the fem.), there seems to be no evidence to indicate such a historical
development. What would seem plausible is either the assumption that the
longer forms have preserved the final vowel of Classical Arabic (huwa, hiya),
or, that they developed a new final vowel. But here we touch upon a rather
intricate question, the existence of a final vowel in a number pronominal
forms (cf. above table) in many Arabic dialects. |
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Box 23 - The Case System[10] of Proto-Hebrew and the Pronominal Suffixes of the Noun |
|
As illustrated elsewhere, PH originally had a system of case endings
similar to that of Classical Arabic[11]. As in Classical Arabic, attached pronominal
suffixes, if any, followed the case endings. For the noun forms in the
singular, feminine singular this consisted of a system of three cases[12] (nominative - suffix u (constr. u > Ø during PH period);
accusative - suffix a (constr. a > Ø during PH period); genitive - suffix i (constr.
i > Ø during PH period)). Nouns in the dual, masculine plural and
feminine plural all had two cases[13] - dual - nominative - suffix áːmi (constr.
and before pronominal suffix aː); oblique
(= accusative plus genitive) - suffix áymi (constr. and before pronominal suffix ay); masculine plural - nominative - suffix úːma (constr.
and before pronominal suffix uː ); oblique - suffix íːma (constr.
and before pronominal suffix iː ); and, feminine plural - nominative - suffix óːtu (constr.
and before pronominal suffix oːt ); oblique - suffix óːti (constr.
and before pronominal suffix oːt ).[14] Thus - (1) your
(ms.) male horse would have been - Accusative (acc) - /sūˈsakã/ Genitive (gen.) - /sūˈsikã/ (2) your
(ms.) female horse would have been - Nominative
- /sūsaˈtukã/ Accusative
- /sūsaˈtakã/ Genitive -
/sūsaˈtikã/ (3) your
(ms.) two male horses would have been (suffixes added to construct form) - Nominative
- /sūˈsākã/ (4) your (ms.)
male horses would have been (suffixes added to construct form) - Nominative
- /sūˈsūkã/ Oblique -
/sūˈsῑkã/ (5) your
(ms.) female horses would have been (suffixes added to construct form) - Nominative
- /sūsōˈtukã/ Oblique -
/sūsōˈtikã/ At some time, presumably related to the drastic
reduction in the use of the dual[15] and the
decline of the case system in late BHA phase 2, the oblique
ending (íːma > íːm ) became the single suffix for mp. absolute nouns and the dual
oblique construct (ay ) became the
single suffix for mp. construct nouns and preceded pronominal suffixes
attached to plural nouns. For this reason, in the following
table, I will use the general approach in PH reconstructions of showing, where
possible, the PH vocalization that developed into the BH form. |
Box 24
Nouns - Absolute, Construct and Pronominal Forms
|
From
Blau 2010 §4.4.3 4.4.3.1. The normal position
of nouns, when they do not stand in a special relationship to a following
noun, is the status absolutus. If, however, a noun is
proclitic, forming a stress unit with the following noun (which stands in the
same relation to it as the genitive stands to its governing noun in languages
with case inflection), it stands in the construct (status constructus). Since in the construct no
pretonic lengthening occurs and the noun behaves as if stress were on the
following (governed) noun, it is often quite different from the absolute: דְּבַר־ ‘the speech of’ as opposed to the absolute דָּבָר; צִדְקַת (with the construct feminine ending) ‘righteousness of’ as
opposed to the absolute צְדָקָה.... The construct noun is ... proclitic in Biblical Hebrew
when the construct is hyphenated. On the other hand, the fact that Philippi’s Law (see §3.5.8.6, p. 133)
operates in construct nouns attests that they are in fact stressed. One
should not be surprised by the operation of Philippi’s Law in hyphenated construct
nouns, as is the case, e.g., in בַּת־צִיּוֺן ‘the daughter of Zion’. The vowel of the stressed construct
noun was changed by Philippi’s Law and afterward
the noun became hyphenated. 4.4.3.2.
The status pronominalis, i.e., the status of nouns
governing pronominal suffixes (which perform a function similar to that of
English possessive pronouns), resembles the construct, not only in function
but also in form. It exhibits a shift of stress (which rests on the
pronominal suffix or the vowel “connecting” it with the noun) and the
feminine ending -at. Pretonic
lengthening is excluded only before the so-called “heavy” suffixes כֶם-, כֶן- (and הֶם, הֶן; e.g., יֶדְכֶם), whereas it may occur before the others (the “light”
suffixes), because the noun forms one word with its pronominal suffixes
(i.e., they stand in internal close juncture). Therefore, pretonic
lengthening acts as it does in simple words, whereas the construct and the nomen rectum stand in internal open
juncture and, therefore, in the construct no pretonic lengthening occurs. For
the “connecting” vowels.... |
|
Table
2 - History of Stress and Pronunciation of the Independent
Pronoun |
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|
|
*PH (c. 1200 BCE) |
*/JEH/ (mainly c. 750-586 BCE) |
(c. 400-300 BCE) |
(c. 850-550 BCE) |
(c.
400 CE) |
(c. 850 CE) |
(present) |
|
/ˈʾanã/ > |
אני |
אני |
/ˈʾanī/[20] [ˈʔɐniˑ] |
/ˈʾanī/ > contextual pausal[22] |
/ʾăˈni/ [ʔɐ̆ˈniː] contextual pausal |
[ɐˈni] |
|
|
/ʾaˈnaːkũ/ > |
[י] אנכ?[23] |
אנכי |
/ʾaˈnoːkī/[24] [ʔɐˈnoːkiˑ] |
/ʾaˈnoːkī/
→ contextual |
/ʾånoˈki/ contextual pausal |
[ɐnoˈxi] (pausal [ɐˈnoxi]) |
|
|
2 ms. |
[ת] א |
אתה |
|
/ˈʾattaː/ → contextual pausal |
/ʾatˈ | ||